The civic strand: rational, progressive and universal, binding the nation by chosen political values. Named thinkers: Rousseau (general will, civic nation) and Mazzini (every nation deserves a state).
Liberal nationalism strongly holds the civic definition. The nation is a political community of people who share political values and consent to common laws (Rousseau). Membership is voluntary and inclusive, defined by civic values rather than blood or culture.
Liberal nationalism strongly holds the rational view. Humans are rational and progressive, capable of choosing their own governing authority (Rousseau). The 2020 mark scheme calls this a more positive view of human nature and a more inclusive form of nationalism.
Liberal nationalism strongly holds universal self-determination. Every nation is entitled to rule itself (Mazzini), and government rests on the consent of the governed (Rousseau). The principle applies equally to all nations, large and small.
Liberal nationalism strongly holds internationalism over supremacy. Sovereign nation-states cooperate as equals in an order of mutual respect - liberal internationalism (Mazzini). It rejects any claim that one nation should dominate another.
Liberal nationalism strongly holds the civic, non-supreme state. The nation-state is the natural political unit built on civic nationalism (Mazzini); it serves citizens rather than standing above them, the opposite of the supreme integral state.
Liberal nationalism strongly holds the inclusive route. The nation is built by consent and the peaceful exercise of self-determination, open to anyone who shares the civic values (Rousseau), rather than by cultural exclusion or military conquest.
The cultural strand: romantic and security-seeking, binding the nation by inherited language, history and custom. Named thinker: von Herder (volksgeist - the national spirit).
Conservative nationalism rejects the civic definition. The nation is bound by shared language, history, customs and tradition - the volksgeist or national spirit (von Herder). Membership is organic and inherited, slow to acquire, not a matter of chosen civic values.
Conservative nationalism rejects the rational, progressive reading. Humans are not rational but security-seeking, needing cultural belonging to feel safe (von Herder). The 2020 mark scheme: a desire to belong to a nation built around a common culture.
Conservative nationalism is partial on self-determination. It values self-rule for one's own culturally distinct nation so the volksgeist can be preserved, but does not treat it as a universal right belonging equally to every nation, unlike the liberal and anti-colonial strands.
Conservative nationalism rejects internationalism. It is inward-looking and preservationist, treating the culturally distinct nation as the natural limit of political loyalty, and is cool towards cross-border cooperation that might dilute the national spirit.
Conservative nationalism is partial here. The state is a romantic embodiment of the national culture, existing to protect the distinct national spirit and cohesion (the 2021 mark scheme). It is not the civic state liberals want, but nor is it the supreme oppressive imperial state of expansionism.
Conservative nationalism rejects the inclusive route. Belonging is organic, inherited and slow to acquire, so cohesion comes from shared culture rather than open civic membership. The nation is defined by who shares the culture, not by who signs up to its values.
The dominant strand: integral and chauvinist, placing the nation above the individual and other peoples; the home of racialism. Named thinker: Maurras (integral nationalism).
Expansionist nationalism rejects the civic definition. The nation is exclusive, often defined by superiority and sometimes by race, hostile to outsiders (Maurras). The 9PL0 spec confines racialism - nationhood by biology alone - to a small group within this strand.
Expansionist nationalism rejects the rational, progressive reading. Human nature is highly pessimistic towards outsiders and driven by chauvinist superiority feelings, with the nation placed above the individual (Maurras). The 2020 mark scheme: based on chauvinism, the feeling of superiority to other nations.
Expansionist nationalism rejects universal self-determination. The strong nation claims the right to dominate and rule over weaker peoples, so self-determination is denied to subject nations rather than extended to all (Maurras). Mazzini's universal principle is explicitly overturned.
Expansionist nationalism rejects internationalism for supremacy. It seeks chauvinist domination and imperial expansion over other peoples (Maurras), the opposite of cooperation between sovereign equals. The 2021 mark scheme: using the might of the state in an oppressive way.
Expansionist nationalism rejects the civic, non-supreme state. The state is supreme and integral - the individual is subservient to it - and is militaristic and imperial, used to dominate other peoples (Maurras). This is the opposite of the liberal civic state that serves its citizens.
Expansionist nationalism rejects the inclusive route. The nation is asserted through militarism, conquest and force, with a strong military ethos and imperial expansion (Maurras), rather than through consent, inclusion or peaceful self-determination.
The liberatory strand: rationalist and inclusive, often pan-national, reasserting the equal worth of colonised peoples. Named thinker: Garvey (Black pride, pan-Africanism).
Anti-colonial nationalism is partial here. It is inclusive on the basis of a shared experience of colonialism rather than ethnic purity, sharing the liberal civic base, yet it also reasserts the cultural identity colonialism suppressed (Garvey), so it blends civic inclusion with cultural revival.
Anti-colonial nationalism strongly holds the rational view, like liberal nationalism. It asserts the equal moral worth of all peoples, particularly those whose worth was denied by colonial racism (Garvey). The 2020 mark scheme groups it with liberal nationalism as the rational, progressive family.
Anti-colonial nationalism strongly holds self-determination. Colonised nations have the right to rule themselves free from foreign domination (Garvey). The 2022 mark scheme: a rational view that nations have the right to govern themselves free from domination or oppression.
Anti-colonial nationalism strongly holds internationalism over supremacy. It is often pan-national, building solidarity across borders among peoples with a shared experience of colonialism - Garvey's pan-Africanism treats African peoples everywhere as one people - rejecting any claim of national supremacy.
Anti-colonial nationalism strongly holds the non-supreme state. The nation-state is a vehicle of liberation from colonial powers, securing political, cultural and economic decolonisation (Garvey), the opposite of the supreme imperial state it was created to escape.
Anti-colonial nationalism strongly holds the inclusive route. The nation is built inclusively on a shared experience of colonialism rather than ethnic purity (Garvey), aimed at liberation and the equal dignity of colonised peoples rather than conquest or cultural exclusion.