About these notes. This is the sub-topic lookup version. For the narrative scrollytelling lesson with all five scrolly figures, use the Walk-through. For active recall, use the MCQ Quiz. For exam-paragraph practice, use the Paragraph completion drills. The cards below open one at a time and cover everything Paper 2 expects you to know on the UK-EU relationship for sovereignty questions (spec 4.3 + 4.4).
Likely exam angles. Spec point 4.3 has two bullets that have not been directly asked since the spec was reworded, so stems like these are worth planning: "Evaluate the view that leaving the EU has restored parliamentary sovereignty over policy making" - the most likely, joining 4.3 to 4.4; plan it with cards 1, 5 and 6 below plus the Brexit impact grid. Also worth a plan: "the four freedoms brought the UK more benefit than cost" (card 2), "leaving the EU has removed the EU's role in UK policy making" (cards 5 and 6 - the Windsor Framework is the counter-evidence), and "the negative impacts of leaving have outweighed the positives" (the whole-pack debate).
Parliamentary sovereignty is the constitutional rule that Parliament can make or unmake any law, that no Parliament can bind a future Parliament, and that no body above Parliament can overrule it. A V Dicey's nineteenth-century statement of the rule is still the textbook formulation.
The UK joined the European Economic Community in 1973 under the European Communities Act 1972. Membership meant pooled sovereignty - decisions on trade, the environment, economic regulation, and some rights were made collectively at EU level rather than purely by Westminster.
The Four Freedoms allowed frictionless trade but limited domestic control - which became the central Brexit argument, particularly on freedom of movement.
Two divisions matter for the exam. Supranational institutions act above the member states with their own institutional identity. Intergovernmental institutions are composed of representatives of national governments.
The EU executive. Composed of one Commissioner per member state, each nominated by their government but expected to act in the EU interest. Proposes EU laws (only institution that can propose legislation); prepares the EU budget; enforces EU laws.
Composed of the heads of government of the member states. Meets up to four times a year. Takes major strategic decisions (treaty changes, enlargement, broad direction of EU policy).
Also called the Council of Ministers. Composed of ministers from each member state, with the specific minister attending depending on the policy area. Takes decisions on whether to adopt legislation, working with the European Parliament. Lisbon Treaty's expansion of qualified majority voting means individual states can now be outvoted.
The only directly elected EU institution. MEPs elected every five years; UK no longer has MEPs since Brexit. Co-decides on most legislation with the Council of the EU; has a say in the budget; accepts or rejects nominations to the Commission.
Enforces EU law and resolves disputes between member states. Sits in Luxembourg (NOT to be confused with the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg). Where pooled sovereignty bites hardest - its rulings bind member state courts. Factortame is the UK example. Post-Brexit, no longer has direct UK jurisdiction except in Northern Ireland under the Windsor Framework and (per Starmer's 2025 reset) over UK-EU fish trade.
The textbook UK case showing EU law supremacy over UK Acts of Parliament.
| Date | Event | What it did |
|---|---|---|
| 23 June 2016 | EU referendum | 52% Leave, 48% Remain. Turnout 72%. Cameron resigned. |
| Jan 2017 | Miller 1 (Supreme Court) | 8-3 ruling. Article 50 needs an Act of Parliament, not just executive action. EU (Notification of Withdrawal) Act 2017 followed. |
| Sept 2019 | Miller 2 (Supreme Court) | 11-0 ruling. Boris Johnson's prorogation of Parliament for five weeks was unlawful, void and of no effect. Lady Hale presiding. |
| Dec 2019 | UK general election | Boris Johnson wins large majority with "oven-ready" Brexit deal. |
| Jan 2020 | EU (Withdrawal Agreement) Act 2020 | UK formally leaves the EU on 31 January 2020. |
| Dec 2020 | End of transition | Transition period ends 31 December 2020. UK had continued to follow most EU rules during transition. |
| Jan 2021 | UK-EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement | The post-Brexit trade deal takes effect. Tariff-free goods trade with checks; services much restricted. |
| 2023 | Retained EU Law Act 2023 | Ends the principle of EU law supremacy in the UK system. |
To avoid a hard border in Ireland (which would have breached the Good Friday Agreement 1998), Northern Ireland continued to follow many EU single-market rules on goods with checks at ports between Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The ECJ retained limited jurisdiction in NI on these areas. The arrangement caused major political difficulties (the DUP refused to participate in Stormont for two years).
The Windsor Framework (February 2023) renegotiated the Protocol under Sunak. Simplified GB-NI checks with a "green lane" for goods staying in NI. Northern Ireland still follows many EU rules; the ECJ still has limited jurisdiction. For one part of the UK, pooled sovereignty has not fully ended.
EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement 2021. Governs the post-Brexit trading relationship. Allows tariff-free and quota-free trade in goods (provided rules-of-origin met) but introduces customs checks, regulatory checks, and increased paperwork. Service trade much more restricted than under Single Market membership. Does NOT include the Single Market or the Customs Union.
Keir Starmer's Labour government from July 2024 has moved toward closer EU alignment without rejoining the Single Market. The May 2025 UK-EU summit produced a reset including new arrangements on defence cooperation, food and animal product trade (sanitary and phytosanitary), and a fishing agreement that runs to 2038.
EU law no longer has supremacy. The ECJ no longer has direct UK jurisdiction (with the NI and fish-trade exceptions). The Retained EU Law Act 2023 ends the special status of EU-derived law. Factortame-style cases cannot happen for new disputes. The legal sovereignty question is settled in Parliament's favour.
The strongest counter-reading. The Brexit process required vast amounts of secondary legislation by ministers rather than Acts. The European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 gave ministers wide-ranging powers to make changes to retained EU law by statutory instrument. Scrutiny by Parliament is generally weaker than for full Bills. Power has moved inside the UK system, not just back from outside it.
Sovereignty is also distributed across Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. The Internal Market Act 2020 imposed a UK-wide approach to internal trade that the Scottish and Welsh governments objected to as overriding their competences. The Sewel Convention is not legally binding. Sovereignty in practice is divided across multiple parliaments.
Northern Ireland Protocol / Windsor Framework keeps ECJ jurisdiction over NI on goods. Starmer's 2025 reset returns ECJ jurisdiction over UK-EU fish trade. The UK remains a signatory to the ECHR. Sovereignty is a choice, not a fact - and the UK keeps making choices that involve sharing it.
The 24-mark and 30-mark Paper 2 questions on this topic almost always test sovereignty - in legal vs political senses, or comparing one era to another. Likely framings:
Each theme is a directly comparative pairing. For "sovereignty has moved":