Two grids on the same template. The first is empty - print it, fill in each cell with a one-line note while you revise. The second is a worked example to check yourself against.
Each cell asks one question: does this row strengthen the column quality (mark +) or weaken it (mark -)? Then add a one-line note saying why. The plus and minus columns are deliberately not pre-printed - your judgement is the work.
| Episode+ - | Sovereignty restored | Executive empowered | Parliament strengthened | Devolution strained | Courts drawn in | Settled the issue | Constitutional significance |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| EU referendum (2016) |
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| Miller 1 (2017) |
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| EU (Withdrawal) Act (2018) |
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| Miller 2 / Cherry (2019) |
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| Internal Market Act (2020) |
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| Windsor Framework (2023) |
| Episode+ - | Sovereignty restored | Executive empowered | Parliament strengthened | Devolution strained | Courts drawn in | Settled the issue | Constitutional significance |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| EU referendum (2016) |
+The vote to reclaim pooled sovereignty - political sovereignty exercised by the electorate. | -The result bound governments for four years - the people, not ministers, set the policy. | -Parliament felt unable to ignore an advisory vote. | +Scotland and Northern Ireland voted Remain - the mandate split by nation. | -Not yet - the litigation came later. | -Answered membership; started every other argument of the era. | +The biggest single constitutional decision since 1973. |
| Miller 1 (2017) |
+Confirmed only an Act of Parliament could trigger Article 50. | -Prerogative power cut back. | +Parliament's legislative role protected - the EU (Notification of Withdrawal) Act 2017 followed. | +Sewel confirmed politically binding only - devolved consent has no legal teeth. | +The Supreme Court at the centre of the era's biggest political question. | -Settled the trigger question only. | +Defined the limits of prerogative power over constitutional change. |
| EU (Withdrawal) Act (2018) |
+Repealed the ECA 1972 - the legal core of Brexit. | +Henry VIII powers let ministers amend statutes. | -Vast delegated powers shifted the detail away from Parliament. | +Returning powers were retained at Westminster first - the power-grab argument. | -The litigation lay elsewhere. | +The legal mechanics of exit, settled. | +The statute that unwound 47 years of EU law primacy. |
| Miller 2 / Cherry (2019) |
+Protected Parliament's right to sit at the height of the crisis. | -The prorogation was quashed - prerogative cut back again. | +Parliament recalled the next day. | -Not a devolution case. | +The first ruling on the personal prerogative - the courts' deepest step in. | -Sharpened the courts-against-politics argument instead. | +High constitutional watershed. |
| Internal Market Act (2020) |
+Westminster legislated for the whole UK market - sovereignty asserted. | +New UK government spending and regulatory reach in devolved areas. | -The real argument was with the devolved legislatures, not the Commons. | +Passed over the objection of all three devolved legislatures. | -A political fight more than a judicial one. | -Reopened the territorial argument. | +The sharpest post-Brexit assertion of Westminster's last word. |
| Windsor Framework (2023) |
-EU law still applies to goods in Northern Ireland - sovereignty shared at the edge. | +Negotiated by the executive at treaty level. | -Presented largely settled, with one Commons vote on the Stormont brake. | -Eased the strain - the Stormont brake gave the NI institutions a voice. | -Not a court matter. | +The nearest the era has come to a settled arrangement. | +Proof that full separation and full sovereignty do not coexist easily in Northern Ireland. |