Two grids on the same template. The first is empty - print it, fill in each cell with a one-line note while you revise. The second is a worked example to check yourself against.
Each cell asks one question: does this row strengthen the column quality (mark +) or weaken it (mark -)? Then add a one-line note saying why. The plus and minus columns are deliberately not pre-printed - your judgement is the work.
| Function+ - | Works as designed | Gridlock dominates | Partisanship decisive | Checks the president | House-Senate difference matters | Public confidence | Effective overall |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Legislation | |||||||
| Representation | |||||||
| Oversight | |||||||
| Power of the purse |
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| Confirmation (Senate) |
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| Impeachment |
| Function+ - | Works as designed | Gridlock dominates | Partisanship decisive | Checks the president | House-Senate difference matters | Public confidence | Effective overall |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Legislation | -The filibuster's 60-vote threshold appears nowhere in Article I. | +Almost all legislation needs 60 Senate votes. | +Major bills pass in unified-government windows or not at all. | +What Congress will not pass, a president cannot make permanent. | +House majority rule against Senate unlimited debate - the central procedural contrast. | -Gridlock is the public's main complaint. | -The function the modern Congress performs worst. |
| Representation | +Two chambers, two constituencies - exactly the framers' scheme. | -Not a gridlock function. | +Safe seats mean the primary, not the general, decides most members. | -Not a checking function. | +Districts every two years against states for six - different representation entirely. | -Voters distrust Congress and re-elect their own member - the standing paradox. | -Structurally intact, distorted by districting and safe seats. |
| Oversight | +Implied in Article I and exercised since the first Congress. | -Hearings happen regardless of legislative paralysis. | +Sharp against the other party's president, soft against your own. | +Subpoenas, hearings and investigations impose real political cost. | -Both chambers run parallel committee systems. | -Seen as partisan theatre as often as scrutiny. | -Works exactly as hard as party interest wants it to. |
| Power of the purse |
+Revenue bills originate in the House - Article I verbatim. | +Shutdowns and debt-ceiling standoffs are the purse seizing up. | +Budget crises track divided government almost perfectly. | +No appropriation, no programme - the hardest check Congress holds. | +The House's origination power gives it the first move. | -Shutdown brinkmanship is a public-trust disaster. | +Still decisive - wielded as a weapon rather than a budget process. |
| Confirmation (Senate) |
-Advice and consent has become a party-line calendar power. | -Confirmation grinds on even when legislation stops. | +Garland 2016 and Barrett 2020 - the controlling party decides. | +A hostile Senate can block a president's appointments wholesale. | +A Senate-only power - the House has no role. | -Confirmation wars feed the politicised-Court perception. | +Powerful - as a partisan instrument. |
| Impeachment | +House impeaches, Senate tries - the mechanism runs as written. | -Not a gridlock function - it proceeds when the House wills it. | +Two impeachments, two acquittals, all on party lines. | -A deterrent that has never removed a president. | +The split design - accusation and trial - is the whole mechanism. | -Read by the public as partisan combat. | -The removal power polarisation switched off. |