18 named examples with their significance, drawn from the Panther database. Read them, then test yourself.
In test mode, tap an example to reveal why it matters.
The examples
Andy Burnham Blocked from Gorton By-Election (2026)(2026)(tap to reveal)- In early 2026 Andy Burnham (Mayor of Greater Manchester) was reported to be interested in standing in the Gorton by-election to enter Parliament and challenge Starmer's leadership. Starmer used his authority as party leader to block Burnham from standing. Use as a current example of PM/party leader using internal patronage and selection control to neutralise potential rivals.
Beeching Cuts 1963: Infrastructure Policy and Long-Term Consequences(1963)(tap to reveal)- Beeching Report 1963: closure of one third of UK rail network on financial grounds; rural and regional communities most affected.
COVID PPE and the Public Accounts Committee (2020-21)(2020)(tap to reveal)- £10.5bn awarded without competitive tender. £4.9bn to firms with no PPE experience. PAC exposed failure but no ministers resigned. Shows tension between investigative capacity and enforcement power of select committees.
Cameron's Brexit Referendum (2016): The Elastic Model of PM Power in Practice(2016)(tap to reveal)- Cameron included the referendum pledge in the 2015 Conservative manifesto, expecting to win as he had won a similar AV referendum pledge in 2011. He negotiated a renegotiation deal with the EU (February 2016) and campaigned for Remain. On 24 June 2016 the Leave side won 51.9% to 48.1%. Cameron resigned the same morning. His successor Theresa May faced three years of parliamentary gridlock implementing the result.
Cameron-Clegg Coalition 2010-2015: Five-Year Stable Coalition Government(2015)(tap to reveal)- After the 2010 hung parliament (Conservatives 306 seats, Labour 258, LibDems 57), five days of negotiations produced a formal Coalition Agreement - the first coalition government since the wartime National Government. David Cameron became PM with Nick Clegg as Deputy PM. The coalition lasted the full five-year term (historically unusual) and involved formal power-sharing: 5 LibDem Cabinet ministers including Clegg, Vince Cable, and Danny Alexander. The coalition operated through a Cabinet Committee structure and the 'Quad' (Cameron, Osborne, Clegg, Alexander) for economic decisions. It demonstrated that coalition government can be stable and deliver a programme, at the cost of constraining PM power.
Coronavirus Act 2020: Emergency Executive Dominance(2020)(tap to reveal)- Coronavirus Act 2020 enacted in 2 days; gave vast ministerial powers for 2 years; lockdown regulations by SI with minimal parliamentary debate
Coughlan v Minister for Cabinet Office (2022): Court of Appeal upheld voter ID requirements - ruled in government's favour(2022)(tap to reveal)- Use as a counterpoint to cases where courts rule against the government (e.g. Miller 1, Miller 2). This case shows the judiciary does not automatically oppose executive action - it upheld the Elections Act voter ID provisions despite opposition claims they suppressed turnout. Analytically: supports the view that UK courts are independent but not systematically anti-government. For AO3: use to moderate claims that judicial review is a strong check on executive power - courts sometimes validate contested government policy.
Dominic Cummings and Barnard Castle (April 2020)(2020)(tap to reveal)- Chief SPAD Dominic Cummings drove to Barnard Castle during COVID lockdown, claiming to test his eyesight. Justified in a rose garden press conference that became a political embarrassment. Use to show that SPADs operating with quasi-executive authority are still subject to scrutiny; also shows limits of informal PM power when public confidence is lost.
Geoffrey Howe Resignation Speech and Thatcher Removal (Nov 1990)(1990)(tap to reveal)- Howe's resignation speech 13 Nov 1990 triggered Heseltine's leadership challenge. Thatcher resigned 22 Nov after Cabinet told her she could not win. Eleven years as PM, three election victories - removed by Cabinet not Parliament. Use to challenge any claim that PM power is unconditional.
Johnson Cabinet Purge December 2019: Patronage and the Payroll Vote(2019)(tap to reveal)- Johnson won an 80-seat majority in December 2019. He immediately reshuffled the cabinet, removing 18 of 29 ministers - including Chancellor Sajid Javid, who resigned rather than accept conditions attached to the role. Replacements were predominantly loyalists with no independent power base. The payroll vote (ministers and PPSs bound by collective ministerial responsibility) expanded, reducing the number of genuinely free backbenchers.
Johnson's COVID ministerial implementation groups (2020): Hancock (health), Gove (public services), Sunak (economics), Raab (international) - bypassed full Cabinet(2020)(tap to reveal)- Use to show how crisis conditions accelerate the trend toward bilateral and committee-based government rather than full Cabinet. Johnson delegated COVID policy through four dedicated ministerial groups, sidelining Cabinet as a decision-making forum. Analytically: supports the thesis that Cabinet government has been replaced by a more presidential or bilateral model. For AO3: compare with Thatcher's use of inner cabinets and Blair's sofa government - COVID implementation groups fit a longer pattern of Cabinet marginalisation.
Metropolitan Mayors: Burnham and Houchen (2017-present)(2025)(tap to reveal)- Andy Burnham (Greater Manchester) and Ben Houchen (Tees Valley). ER 2025 specifically cited Burnham as a marker of devolution success. Mayors have transport, housing, policing powers. Shows quasi-federal trend without formal constitutional change.
Partygate: PMQs Scrutiny and Johnson's Resignation (2021-22)(2022)(tap to reveal)- Keir Starmer used PMQs weekly to expose Partygate; no-confidence vote June 2022 (211-148); Johnson resigned July 2022
Policy Unit, SPADs, and Core Executive (1997-present)(1997)(tap to reveal)- Blair: 25 Policy Unit staff. Johnson: 107 SPADs (peacetime peak), 3 Permanent Secretaries removed. Starmer: Sue Gray Chief of Staff at £170k. Shows centralisation of PM power across parties.
R (Miller) v Secretary of State for Exiting the EU (2017) - "Miller I"(2017)(tap to reveal)- In Miller I (2017), the Supreme Court ruled 8-3 that the government could not use the royal prerogative to trigger Article 50 (beginning the Brexit process) without Parliamentary authorization. The decision held that because triggering Article 50 would remove rights granted to UK citizens by EU law, an Act of Parliament was necessary. This led to the EU (Notification of Withdrawal) Act 2017.
R (Miller) v The Prime Minister (2019) - "Miller II" / Cherry(2019)(tap to reveal)- In Miller II (2019), the Supreme Court unanimously ruled 11-0 that Prime Minister Johnson's prorogation (suspension) of Parliament for five weeks in September 2019 was unlawful. The government claimed it needed to prorogue Parliament to prepare a new legislative agenda, but the court held that the true purpose was to limit Parliamentary scrutiny of the Brexit process, making it a misuse of the prerogative power.
Retained EU Law Act 2023(2023)(tap to reveal)- The Retained EU Law Act 2023 allowed ministers to revoke or replace EU-derived laws now part of UK law by statutory instrument. It originally included a sunset clause removing all retained EU law by 31 December 2023, but this was softened to a schedule-based approach following pressure from the House of Lords during passage.
Retained EU Law Act 2023: Henry VIII Powers and Parliamentary Pushback(2023)(tap to reveal)- Original bill gave ministers power to revoke all EU-derived law by SI; scope narrowed after parliamentary opposition; Lords defeated government multiple times