About these notes. This is the sub-topic lookup version. For the narrative scrollytelling lesson with the function, party-system and minor-party figures, use the Walk-through. For active recall, use the MCQ Quiz. The established parties in depth live in the Major Party Divisions pack, and the full minor parties 30-marker lives in the predicted Q2(a) pack. The cards below cover the functions, funding, the established parties in brief, the party system debate, the minor parties and the exam method.
Likely exam angles. The 30-marker lands on one of three debates: whether the UK is now a multi-party system (the post-2024 framing question); whether party funding should be reformed (the 2023 Q2b territory); or whether minor parties are more significant than ever (the predicted 2026 question). Each one is covered in the cards below.
Spec point P1.2.1.a. Five functions, each with a live debate about how well parties still perform it:
| Function | What it means | The test |
|---|---|---|
| Representation | Bundling interests into programmes voters choose between; the winner claims a mandate for its manifesto. | The two main parties' combined 2024 vote share fell to around 57% - the lowest in modern history. |
| Participation | Membership, campaigning, leadership votes. | Members chose Truss over Sunak in 2022 (81,326 to 60,399) - real power, but the candidate MPs had rejected. |
| Recruitment | Selecting candidates, building careers, supplying every PM. | Every PM since 1945 from the two main parties - but five Conservative PMs in eight years, three removed by their own party. |
| Policy | Writing the manifesto that defines the mandate. | UKIP 2015: 12.6%, one seat - and the EU referendum forced onto the agenda from outside. |
| Governing | Winner governs; second party becomes the official Opposition with Short money and opposition days. | Coalition 2010-15 and the DUP deal 2017 - FPTP no longer guarantees single-party rule (2022 mocks MS). |
PPERA 2000 (updated 2009) caps campaign spending, requires donations to be declared and created the Electoral Commission. Proposals to cap individual donations or introduce state funding have been reviewed but never legislated.
P1.2.4.a. The 2022 mocks mark scheme question - evaluate the view that the UK does not have a multi-party system - supplies both columns:
| Party | The record | What it proves |
|---|---|---|
| SNP | Every Holyrood election won 2007-24; 56 of 59 Westminster seats in 2015; collapsed to 9 in 2024. | A minor party can become a governing party - and collapse. Put independence and the constitutional question on the national agenda. |
| Reform UK | Founded 2018 as the Brexit Party; 14.3% and 5 seats in 2024; Conservative defections - Anderson (2024), Kruger (2025), Jenrick (2026). | Influence through a rival: reshaping the Conservative right without office. And the sharpest FPTP distortion case. |
| Greens | 6.7% and 4 seats in 2024 (Denyer, Ramsay, Berry, Chowns) - their largest haul; ministerial office held in the Scottish Government. | Breakthrough under FPTP is possible with concentrated targeting; agenda influence on Labour and Lib Dem environment policy. |
| Lib Dems | 23% and 57 seats in 2010, then coalition; 72 seats on 12.2% in 2024. | The 2010-15 coalition - a third party setting policy in office - is unique in postwar Britain. 2024 shows concentrated support converting. |
| UKIP | Founded 1993; 12.6% and one seat in 2015. | Pure agenda-setting: the 2024 mark scheme records the EU referendum was held to thwart UKIP. |
P1.2.4.b asks why parties succeed or fail, including debates on the influence of the media. The working factor list: