Paper 1 · P1.3.1 + P1.3.3 · Element 1 of 8
Electoral systems - core
What the topic is, in two sentences
The UK uses FPTP for Westminster general elections, plus several proportional or semi-proportional systems for devolved bodies and (until 2022) mayoral elections. The 2024 result - Reform UK getting 14.3% of votes but only 5 seats, Labour winning 411 seats on 33.7% - has reopened the electoral-reform debate that 2011 thought had closed.
Spec sub-sections (Paper 1, P1.3.1 + P1.3.3)
- P1.3.1.a First-past-the-post (FPTP), Additional Member System (AMS), Single Transferable Vote (STV), and Supplementary Vote (SV).
- P1.3.1.b The advantages and disadvantages of these different systems.
- P1.3.1.c Comparison of first-past-the-post (FPTP) to a different electoral system in a devolved parliament/assembly.
- P1.3.3.a Debates on why different electoral systems are used in the UK.
- P1.3.3.b The impact of the electoral system on the government or type of government appointed.
- P1.3.3.c The impact of different systems on party representation and of electoral systems on voter choice.
The three most-asked exam questions on this topic
Question type 1
Evaluate the view that the use of First Past the Post for Westminster elections should be reformed.
2024 Q1(b) source style — likely return given Reform 2024 distortion. Predicted Q1b for 2026.
Question type 2
Evaluate the view that AMS / STV produces more representative outcomes than FPTP.
Comparative question type. Tested 2019 Q1(b).
Question type 3
Evaluate the view that the use of different electoral systems in the UK has been beneficial.
2023 Q2(a). The multi-system question — tests breadth across Westminster, Holyrood, Senedd, NI Assembly.
The default line of argument
LoA: FPTP needs reform after 2024. Reform UK's 14.3% / 5 seats, Labour's 411 seats on 33.7%, the lowest combined vote-share for the two main parties in modern history (57%), and the Welsh Senedd shift to closed-list PR from 2026 together make the case for change at Westminster harder to ignore. AMS as used in Scotland and Wales is the most defensible replacement.
How to use it: Pick this LoA for "should FPTP be reformed" questions. The "different systems are beneficial" question takes a more balanced line: yes for non-Westminster, mixed for Westminster.
The 8 things you need to be able to name in your sleep
- The four systems on the spec — FPTP (Commons + English locals), AMS (Holyrood + Senedd until 2026), STV (Northern Ireland Assembly + Scottish locals), SV (Mayor of London until 2022, now FPTP).
- AMS mechanics — two votes: constituency MP under FPTP + regional list under closed list PR. Top-up seats correct for FPTP disproportionality. Used in Scotland 1999-, Wales 1999-2026.
- STV mechanics — multi-member constituencies; voters rank candidates 1-2-3-...; Droop quota; transfers from elected and eliminated candidates. Used in NI Assembly + Scottish council elections.
- 2024 FPTP distortion data — Reform UK 14.3% / 5 seats (0.8%); Labour 33.7% / 411 seats (63.2%); Greens 6.7% / 4 seats.
- Welsh Senedd reform 2026 — shift to closed-list PR with larger 96-seat chamber. AMS abandoned for full proportional list system.
- Mayor of London / PCCs — moved from SV to FPTP for 2024 by the Elections Act 2022.
- Two academic / institutional voices — Electoral Reform Society (campaign for PR); Hansard Society (audit democracy reports — 2024 audit flagged FPTP distortion as a 'concerning new high').
- Comparative case: 2024 vs 2019 — in 2019 Conservatives turned 43.6% into 365 seats (manufactured majority); in 2024 Labour turned 33.7% into 411. Both 'manufactured majorities' under FPTP.
Electoral systems detail + comparative tables in the walk-through next (when built).
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