12 named examples with their significance, drawn from the Panther database. Read them, then test yourself.
In test mode, tap an example to reveal why it matters.
The examples
Good Friday Agreement 1998: Power-Sharing Devolution in Northern Ireland(2024)(tap to reveal)- The Good Friday Agreement (Belfast Agreement) 1998 created the Northern Ireland Assembly at Stormont with a mandatory power-sharing Executive requiring representation from both unionist and nationalist communities. It was endorsed by 71% of Northern Irish voters on 81% turnout. The Assembly requires 'cross-community consent' on key decisions - either parallel consent (majority of unionists and majority of nationalists) or weighted majority (60%+). The Assembly was suspended multiple times (2002-2007, 2017-2020, 2022-2024) over disputes between the DUP and Sinn Fein. In 2007, Ian Paisley (DUP) and Martin McGuiness (Sinn Fein) - previously sworn enemies - became First and Deputy First Ministers, demonstrating the transformative potential of power-sharing.
Barnett Formula and Fiscal Devolution(2025)(tap to reveal)- Barnett Formula (1978) calculates per-capita spending allocations for devolved nations. Scotland receives higher per-head spending than England. ER 2025 cited Barnett as a key example for devolution debates. Contested: critics argue it over-funds Scotland; defenders say it compensates for deprivation. Good for evaluating whether devolution has been a success.
DUP Confidence and Supply Agreement 2017: £1bn for Northern Ireland(2017)(tap to reveal)- After losing her majority in the June 2017 snap election (Conservatives 318 seats - 8 short of a majority), Theresa May formed a confidence and supply agreement with the Democratic Unionist Party (10 seats). The DUP agreed to support Conservative votes of confidence and money bills in exchange for £1 billion of additional spending for Northern Ireland and commitments on Brexit positions consistent with the DUP's position (no hard border). The arrangement was less formal than a coalition (no DUP ministers in Cabinet) but gave May a working majority. The DUP subsequently withdrew support over May's Withdrawal Agreement, contributing to her resignation.
EU Referendum 2016: Scotland 62% Remain, England Majority Leave - Constitutional Tension(2022)(tap to reveal)- The 2016 EU referendum produced a UK-wide result of 52% Leave, but Scotland voted 62% Remain (67% turnout) and Northern Ireland voted 55.8% Remain. This created an immediate constitutional tension: Scotland had voted decisively for a policy overturned by English votes. Nicola Sturgeon said Scotland had 'spoken decisively' for Remain and called for a second independence referendum (indyref2). The Scottish Government published a paper on holding a second referendum in 2017. Legal challenge ultimately led to the Supreme Court's 2022 ruling that Holyrood could not hold an independence referendum without Westminster consent. Northern Ireland's Remain vote created the 'Irish Border problem' that dominated subsequent Brexit negotiations.
Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness: Power-Sharing as Constitutional Success(2007)(tap to reveal)- The Good Friday Agreement (1998) established the power-sharing Assembly. It was suspended four times before the 2007 restoration. Paisley had previously described Catholics as 'the enemy' and had opposed the GFA. McGuinness served as Deputy First Minister 2007-17. The two men developed a visibly warm working relationship, regularly photographed laughing together. Of the Assembly's 8,378 total days of existence, it has been suspended for approximately 3,167 days (41%) - yet the peace process has held.
Metropolitan Mayors: Burnham and Houchen (2017-present)(2025)(tap to reveal)- Andy Burnham (Greater Manchester) and Ben Houchen (Tees Valley). ER 2025 specifically cited Burnham as a marker of devolution success. Mayors have transport, housing, policing powers. Shows quasi-federal trend without formal constitutional change.
SNP Scottish Politics 2007-2024: From Minority to Majority to Decline(2024)(tap to reveal)- In 2007, SNP became the largest party in Holyrood and formed a minority government under Alex Salmond. In 2011, SNP won an outright majority - a result the AMS system was designed to prevent. The 2014 independence referendum loss (55% No) was followed by a massive SNP surge: in 2015, SNP won 56 of 59 Scottish Westminster seats, reducing Labour to 1 seat. Under Nicola Sturgeon (2014-2023), SNP dominated Scottish politics. But from 2021, momentum stalled: SNP lost its majority in 2021 Holyrood elections; Sturgeon resigned in 2023; UK Supreme Court ruled a second independence referendum required Westminster consent (2022). In 2024, SNP fell from 48 to 9 Westminster seats as Scotland's politics fragmented.
Section 35 Order: Scottish Gender Recognition (2023)(2023)(tap to reveal)- First ever use of Section 35 to block Scottish legislation. GRR Bill passed Holyrood but blocked by Westminster. Clearest example of limits of devolution and reserved powers in practice.
The Sewel Convention and Devolution (1998-present)(1998-present)(tap to reveal)- Sewel Convention: Westminster will not normally legislate on devolved matters without Holyrood consent. Given statutory footing in Scotland Act 2016. Overridden during Brexit 2017-20 when Westminster legislated on devolved matters without Scottish Parliament consent despite 9-0 vote against.
Voting Age 16 for Scottish and Welsh Elections (2016/2020): Divergent Franchise(2020)(tap to reveal)- Following the precedent of the 2014 Scottish independence referendum (where 16-17-year-olds could vote for the first time), the Scottish Parliament lowered the voting age to 16 for Holyrood elections (2016) and Scottish local elections (2017). The Welsh Senedd followed in 2020, lowering the voting age to 16 for Welsh Parliament elections. England and Northern Ireland retain 18 as the voting age for all elections. This creates a situation where a 17-year-old in Wales can vote in Senedd elections but not in Westminster or local elections. The Scottish Government has advocated for extending the 16-vote to Westminster elections.
West Lothian Question and the Failure of EVEL (1997-2021)(2025)(tap to reveal)- Scottish MPs could vote on English matters but English MPs had no equivalent vote on devolved Scottish issues. English Votes for English Laws (EVEL) introduced 2015 by Cameron, abolished 2021. ER 2025 cited West Lothian Question and EVEL failure as evidence that devolution creates unresolved constitutional asymmetry. Good for 'devolution been a success' questions.
Northern Ireland Protocol Bill and Windsor Framework (2023)(2023)(tap to reveal)- The Truss government introduced the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill in 2022, attempting to unilaterally override parts of the NI Protocol that regulated trade between Great Britain and Northern Ireland post-Brexit. The Sunak government subsequently negotiated the Windsor Framework (2023) with the EU as an alternative to unilateral action. The Framework modified the Protocol through negotiation rather than unilateral legislation.