rather than Cabinet. Agreement Key decisions are now taken beyond Cabinet. Key decisions are taken outside of Cabinet, in Inner Cabinets (Wilson/Cameron), Cabinet Committees (May, Johnson) and bilateral meetings (Blair) where the PM has far greater power and influence over decision making (AO2) showing that power lies with the PM as they are choosing to use alternatives to Cabinet to make key decisions (AO3). Prime Ministers can use the power of patronage to promote politicians who are loyal and share their ideological preferences. PMs can control Cabinet through their use of patronage to shape the Cabinet in their own image, rewarding loyalty, especially where they are popular and have won elections handsomely (Thatcher/Blair/Johnson) (AO2), showing that PMs can use patronage to shape Cabinet to be loyal or reflect their ideology making it easier to dominate. Collective ministerial responsibility can be used to keep ministers in line. The doctrine of collective ministerial responsibility allows the PM to keep the Cabinet in line, limiting public criticism of their policy choices, especially as key decisions have been taken without consulting Cabinet (Thatcher, Blair and Johnson and social care/national insurance rise) (AO2), meaning that collective responsibility is a powerful tool for the PM and can be used to dominate Cabinet (AO3). There is a general view that Cabinet rubber stamps decisions already made by key ministers, but this depends on the PM. •he PM has the ability to set the agenda, chair Cabinet and shape the minutes. Dominant PMs can use this power to limit discussion and the ability of the Cabinet to challenge decisions taken elsewhere (Wilson/Thatcher/Blair and Johnson) (AO2), which shows the PM can choose to exercise their powers to limit discussion in Cabinet and its influence over key decisions. (AO3).

rather than Cabinet. Disagreement Prime Ministers rely on the support of Cabinet to get their policies delivered and ultimately for their job. Ultimately, policies have to be delivered by government departments, headed by Ministers, so the PM remains reliant on Cabinet so cannot bypass it whilst ultimately a loss of confidence in the PM within Cabinet weakens their ability to govern (May/Truss) and can lead to their removal from office (Thatcher/Blair/Johnson) (AO2), suggesting that the power still lies with Cabinet as the PM relies on Ministers for the delivery of policy and for their support in both governing and remaining in office (AO3). Unpopular prime ministers, with divided parties, need to maintain a balanced Cabinet and keep ministers onside. An unpopular PM, with a divided party, finds that their powers of patronage are limited (May/Sunak) and they will be unable to dominate Cabinet through their position of chair as they need to keep their ministers onside (May/Major) (AO2) and this shows that the power of the PM to dominate Cabinet is dependent on their popularity and how divided their party is. (AO3). Cabinet resignations and leaks from ministers to the press can all damage the power of the PM. Whilst collective responsibility binds Ministers, resignations, especially by senior Ministers (Thatcher/May/Johnson/ Truss) can severely limit the power of the PM and leaks reflect a Cabinet unwilling to accept the control of the PM (Major/May/Truss) (AO2), reflecting that power still lies with Cabinet, as resignations and leaks can severely limit the powers of the PM (AO3). Patronage can be used to reinforce discipline, but can backfire Patronage appears to shift the balance of power to the PM, but Ministers can refuse to accept demotions, asking the PM to back them or sack them (Brown and Darling/May and Hunt), only accept a job on certain conditions (Truss and Hunt) and sackings can create enemies who use their public profile to weaken the PM (May and Osborne) (AO2), suggesting that patronage has to be used very carefully by the PM, reflecting that power does remain balanced between the PM and their Cabinet (A03).