AO1: Structurally the nature of UK constitution remains; the executive is drawn from parliament and the second chamber is unelected. AO2: The lack of a fusion of powers gives the Executive control over the Commons and the unelected second chamber weakens parliament's ability to hold the executive to account. AO3: We can form a judgment that the structure of the UK political system tends towards executive dominance over parliament. AO1: The government was elected with a large majority in 2019; AO2: Johnson was elected with a majority of around 80 seats and this means the government is very unlikely to lose a vote in the Commons. The revised 'Brexit' Bill dropped the commitment to consult Parliament. AO3: We can conclude that the Conservative governments large majority means that the executive will dominate parliament. AO1: The Conservative government under Johnson is fairly united AO2: Now that the UK has left the EU, one of the main issues causing divisions within the ruling party has been neutralised enabling far stronger control over the party in Parliament by the Executive. This is in stark contrast to the divisions over Europe in May's government. AO3: We can reach a judgement that the lack of major divisions within the ruling party means that the executive will dominate parliament. AO1: Parliamentary committee structures to oversee the work of the executive remain relatively weak. AO2: Compared to other countries, our parliamentary committees set up to ever-see the work of the executive are weak and lack 'teeth'. For instance, Johnson avoided attending the Liaison Committee three times in 2019. AO3: We can form a judgement that as parliament lacks powerful committee structures, that the executive will dominate parliament.

AO1: Parliament has become more assertive after the election in 2010 AO2: Parliament has become more assertive over recent years, especially during the coalition (2010-15) and small majority/minority governments from 2015-2019 with backbenchers more likely to rebel. Governments have faced defeats in the Commons on key issues such as 'Brexit' and the reformed House of Lords has been more willing to challenge the government. AO3: We can conclude that the greater assertiveness of parliament means that the executive will not dominate parliament. AO1: The coalition and Conservative governments from 2010-2019 faced effective scrutiny and challenge from parliament. AO2: We have experienced almost a decade of a resurgent Parliament. Despite Johnson's large majority, the executive can expect to face scrutiny and challenge from parliament and to be held to account for its actions. AO3: We can form a judgment that fact that parliament will continue to challenge and scrutinise the executive, that it will not dominate parliament. AO1: Divisions within the Conservative Party under Johnson remain – in Parliament AO2: There remain a number of key divisions within the Conservative party, especially over the role of the state in the economy and society, that mean it is hard for the Executive to maintain party discipline in the House. AO3: We can form a conclusion that the likelihood of divisions within the party means that the Executive will not dominate parliament. AO1: The parliamentary committee structure is more effective. AO2: Regardless of the size of majority, the parliamentary committee structure is more effective now since the Wright Reforms. Select committee chairs are more independent and willing to challenge the executive. The Liaison Committee provides additional scrutiny of the PM. AO3: We can reach a judgement that the improved effectiveness of parliamentary committees means that the executive will not dominate parliament.